The Political Science Reviewer
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr
<p>Established in 1971, the<em> Political Science Reviewer </em>has served for more than a half century as a venue for political theory and philosophy that resists disciplinary dogmas and novelties. We endeavor to give voice to a range of scholars and to put these voices into traditional conversation with each other. Authors are encouraged to submit both articles and symposium ideas.</p>Center for the Study of Liberal DemocracyenThe Political Science Reviewer0091-3715Notes on Contributors
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/853
<p>All about the authors in this issue.</p>
NotesnotesRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-232024-03-23vixEditor's Note
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/851
<p>Editor's Note</p>
NotesNoteRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-232024-03-23iiiivDemocracy in America, America in France
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/794
<p>Alexis de Tocqueville’s <em>Democracy in America </em>remains the authoritative study of American society through French eyes. But Tocqueville was not the only Frenchman to record his observations of America in the nineteenth century. This article explores the forgotten essays and notes of Ernest Duvergier de Hauranne, who traveled throughout the United States at the height of the Civil War in 1864. Duvergier de Hauranne deepened Tocqueville’s insights about the aristocratic-democratic binary, but he also amended Tocqueville’s framework to explain the conditions of America at war. This article argues that Duvergier de Hauranne’s observations about the party system in particular were meant to educate Second Empire France, since parties could promote plurality without sacrificing the sense of national unity that the French aimed to preserve. His insights remind us why many Frenchmen in the volatile nineteenth century were drawn to America in the first place: to understand the characteristics of a faraway republic in order to respond to the unique circumstances of their home country.</p>
ArticlesAlexis de Tocquevillehistory of political thoughtdemocracyliberalismGianna Englert
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-132024-03-13233256Editor's Note
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/823
<p>Editor's Note, 47.1 (2023)</p>
NotesEditors noteRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05vviNotes on Contributors, 47.1
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/818
<p>Notes on Contributors for 47.`1</p>
NotesNotes on ContributorsRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05viixiOpening the American Heart
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/791
<p style="font-weight: 400;">The doctrine of interest well understood (<em>intérêt bien</em> <em>entendu</em>), is one of Alexis de Tocqueville’s most notable concepts. However, there is considerable disagreement about what this means and what Tocqueville argues it accomplishes for democratic peoples. This article reconstructs Tocqueville’s account of human nature as interested, political, and religious and suggests Tocqueville develops <em>intérêt </em><em>bien entendu</em> and largely understands it in Christian terms. Appreciating the Christian dimensions of <em>intérêt bien entendu</em> deepens our understanding of Tocqueville’s role as a democratic moralist, the relationship of interest to virtue in his thought, and the character of Tocquevillian civil society.</p>
ArticlesTocquevilleliberalismself-interestReligion and PoliticsSarah Gustafson
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-132024-03-13199232Author Meets Critics: Mary M.Keys' Pride, Politics, and Humility in Augustine’s City of God
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/816
<p>Author Meets Critics: Mary M. Keys' <em>Pride, Politics, and Humility in Augustine’s </em>City of God</p>
Author Meets CriticsSt. AugustinepridehumilityMary M. KeysAnn HartleJulie CooperJennifer HerdtVicki A. Spencer
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-12-072023-12-07291328The Promise of Virtue, Old and New
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/800
<p>In response to communitarian critiques, liberal theorists have argued that liberal thought and politics is not neutral, but rather depends on certain liberal virtues. Can such theories of liberal virtue respond to today's post-liberal and progressive critics of liberalism? This paper argues that as long as theories of liberal virtues hold autonomy as their animating principle--while remaining agnostic on questions of the human good--they are ill-equipped to respond to today’s critics of liberalism. In contrast, earlier instances of liberal thought, such as those we find in many American founders’ thinking, build on the fundamentals of classical virtues, a position that coheres well with much of postliberal thinking. These liberal-classical accounts of virtue, I argue, offer a more thorough justification for liberalism to those who find themselves outside the liberal tent. The paper concludes by addressing various objections to these kinds of virtues, including the position that advancing any virtues is coterminous with authoritarian perfectionism and paternalism. In sum, liberals today would do well to look beyond a neutral or subjective autonomy, unsatisfying to several powerful movements within our society, and advance a broader conversation about human virtue. </p>
ArticlesAristotleautonomyliberal virtuesliberalismnatural lawpost-liberalismteleologyvirtuevirtuesanti-liberalismAmerican foundingcivic educationclassical political philosophyChristina Bambrick
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-11-082023-11-08257290Author Meets Critics
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/807
Author Meets CriticsPolitical EconomyLiberalismThomas PaineAdam SmithJohn LockeLee WardBrandon TurnerMichael ZuckertConstantine Christos VassiliouPeter McNamaraBrianne Wolf
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05478530Eric Voegelin and Political Economy: An Introduction
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/814
<p>An introduction to a symposium on Eric Voegelin's philosophy on political economy.</p>
Symposium: Eric Voegelin and Political EconomyEric VoegelinPolitical economyLee Trepanier
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05141142Animating the Public Spirit
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/773
<div><span lang="EN">Adam Smith believed that the civic virtue of “public spirit” is prerequisite for stable and just government. Yet according to Smith, the very societies that adopt the economic principles Smith promotes in <em>The </em><em>Wealth of Nations</em> face serious difficulties when it comes to promoting public spiritedness. For Smith, civic educators can employ their students’ capacities for self-love and selflessness to motivate public spiritedness. In particular, educators can build upon citizens’ “love of system” by teaching about the nation’s constitution and laws. Taught in this way, constitutional education constitutes the educator’s most powerful tool in promoting public spiritedness. However, Smith argues that public spiritedness must be moderated by an active conscience; otherwise, public spiritedness can lead to factional conflict and the rise of ambitious leaders who will overthrow constitutions and refound states. Thus, constitutional education is necessary, but not sufficient, in promoting the public spirit; an active conscience and the exercise of other civic virtues are required. In this way, Smith speaks directly to our civic divisions today by demonstrating that not only are constitutional knowledge and civic virtues like public spiritedness both eminently worth seeking, but civic educators also can and ought to see them as mutually reinforcing and even requisite to avoid dangers inherent in capitalist liberal democracies like the United States.</span></div>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam Smithconsciencecivic educationpublic spiritpublic spiritednesscivic virtueconstitutional educationconstitutionalismtheory of moral sentimentswealth of nationsRobert J. Burton
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05295322Author Meets Critics
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/811
Author Meets CriticsPropertyStewardshipWoke SocialismMark MitchellBarry CooperGregory CollinsArt CardenPhilip Bunn
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05439475Voegelin, Marx, and the "Evils" of Capitalism
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/745
<p>No one can mistake Eric Voegelin for being a sympathetic reader of Marxism, an ideology that he condemned as one of the most dangerous versions of gnostic tyranny in modernity. Yet Voegelin’s critique of Marx’s historical determinism, atheistic eschatology, and the “murder of God” did not discourage him from occasionally praising Marx’s critique of economic theory, particularly the lack of interest that this discipline displays towards the destructive effects of capitalism. In my paper, I mainly focus on Voegelin’s extensive discussion of Marx’s thought in the last two chapters of <em>From Enlightenment to Revolution</em>. Specifically, I explain why Voegelin in this context believed that there was considerable value in Marx’s insights on the “overwhelming influence” of economic institutions as well as the profound alienation and powerlessness of the working class that persist as features of “modern industrial society.” Although these insights do not save Marxism from its numerous errors, what Voegelin called Marx’s “diagnosis of the evil” resulting from capitalism serves as a warning that this system still suffers from fatal defects that may bring about its demise.</p>
Symposium: Eric Voegelin and Political EconomyalienationclassKarl MarxMarxistcapitalismproletariatsupermenEric VoegelinGrant Havers
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05179209On the Use and Abuse of John Locke for Life
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/744
<div>Eric Voegelin’s thought offers several specific criticisms of the economic implications of Lockean liberalism. First, Lockean liberalism is a modern ideology and, as such, accentuates those elements of reality, especially the desire for material comfort, that make the ideology appealing. This harms the long-term viability of the ideology and the welfare of societies organized by it. This essay argues that recent criticisms of Lockean liberalism in the scholarly literature would be supported by a Voegelinian analysis of economic matters in three ways. First, Voegelin argued that there is more to life than material concerns and that economic goods must be situated within a broader constellation of values than Lockean liberalism allows. Second, progressive uses of Locke to justify class-based economic arguments distort Locke’s text in an ideological manner to do so. And third, conservative uses of Locke to justify spontaneous economic growth post–Industrial Revolution distort the circumstances of contemporary reality to do so. Both the progressive and conservative readings of Locke exemplify the problems that result from relying on a simplification of reality. The cumulative effect of Locke in liberal societies today, therefore, is harmful because his thought prioritizes economic matters above all else and encourages construed distortions of Locke’s arguments to facilitate both progressive and conservative priorities whose respective discord with reality make them unsustainable. This essay concludes by arguing that Voegelin’s use of the term <em>entrepreneur </em>could help to remediate the dilapidated nature of liberalism at present.</div>
Symposium: Eric Voegelin and Political EconomyVoegelinLockeliberalismideologyentrepreneurScott Robinson
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05143177From Amor Sui to Amour de Soi-Même
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/801
<p>This is my draft for our workshop next week.</p>
ArticlesAugustineRousseauSelf-loveVeronica Ogle
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-11-082023-11-0887116Women and the Virtue of Friendship in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/797
<p>Many scholars have studied Aristotle's accounts of women in the <em>Politics</em>, but not as much attention has been given to the way he treats women in the <em>Nicomachean Ethics</em>. Aristotle’s inquiry into the <em>human</em> good there, and his attention to virtue, does not distinguish male and female. When he writes the <em>Ethics</em>, and searches for the human good, and the virtues that constitute it, it seems as if he forgets that the human race is divided into men and women. And yet, when Aristotle turns to discuss friendship—the only subject to which he devotes two whole books—he cites women as exemplars of friendship on five different occasions throughout both books. Considering the centrality of friendship to Aristotle’s thought in the <em>Ethics</em>, requiring, in its highest form, both moral and intellectual virtue, his placement of these references to women seem to draw attention to their particular importance, as well.</p>
ArticlesAristotleNicomachean EthicsfriendshipRachel Alexander Cambre
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-12-052023-12-053556Women In and Out of the Canon
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/803
<p>In her keynote address for the Early Career Women in Political Theory and Constitutional Studies Conference (January, 2023), Arlene Saxonhouse recounts life as an early career political theorist in a discipline that was just beginning to open up to women.</p>
ArticlesPolitical TheorycanonwomenArlene Saxonhouse
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-11-082023-11-08116'To the Common Sense of the People'
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/796
<p>Joseph Story’s <em>Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States </em>advances American constitutionalism as a synthesis of two sources: common law principles and Lockean natural rights philosophy. Many have viewed this work as a supplemental education for lawyers and judges, but this interpretation disregards Story’s stated intent for the work. Instead, this paper takes seriously Story’s goal and evaluates the <em>Commentaries </em>as a project of civic education. Story presents a developmental account that centers on the American people, following their adoption of specific aspects of the common law, to their unity in opposition to Great Britain, and finally to their adoption of a government based on consent. By incorporating an American common law into the basis of American life, Story seeks to stabilize the republican order and provide a richer account of the rights articulated at the founding and the duties required for self-government.</p>
ArticlesrepublicanismAmerican constitutionalismliberalismSupreme Courtcommon lawBrigid Flaherty
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-11-082023-11-08137160Margaretta, Trojan Horse
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/799
<p>The narrative of the American founding continues to spark debate among scholars. Central to these debates is the question of personal liberty. While the United States was seemingly founded on restoring the freedom withheld from the American colonists by the British Empire, the American Revolution and the founding did not guarantee freedom for all Americans. Notably, women were excluded from the fruits of American independence. If one examines founding era thinkers beyond the canonical founders, however, there is evidence that the roots of sexual equality in America do, in fact, take hold at its origins. This work considers the writings of Judith Sargent Murray, an early American advocate for sexual equality, and her rhetorical argument for the equality of the sexes. Specifically, it examines her use of a reoccurring narrative throughout her most famous essay series to inculcate sympathy for her later, more explicit argument for sexual equality in the new United States. In doing so, this work seeks to expand our understanding of the founding era and reevaluate the role of women in the political history of the United States.</p>
ArticlesAmerican Foundingwomen in politicsnarrativevirtuecitizenshiplibertyKirstin Anderson Birkhaug
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-02-272024-02-27117136Petrarch's Literary Empire
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/792
<p style="font-weight: 400;">Francesco Petrarch’s incessant letter-writing made him one of the best-connected private figures of the fourteenth century. Yet the range of political views expressed across his collected correspondence poses an interpretative challenge. Should Petrarch be read as a classical republican? An advisor to princes? Or just an inconsistent poet? One source of political consistency across his Latin letters is Petrarch’s praise for Caesar Augustus. This article therefore highlights three statemen whom Petrarch compares to Rome’s first emperor: 1) Robert, King of Naples 2) Cola di Rienzo and 3) the emperor Charles IV. Despite their very different political commitments, each of these rulers appears as part of Petrarch’s Roman ideal. Petrarch’s <em>Familiares </em>foreground an early modern vision for cosmopolitan citizenship, in which poets and politicians (re)discover a mutually reinforcing respect for art and virtue. Petrarch envisioned poets and statesmen working in tandem to recover an empire of Roman culture.</p> <p> </p>
ArticlesFrancesco PetrarchAugustusCola di RienzoRomelettersDanielle Charette
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-11-082023-11-085785Tocqueville and the Moral Economy of Bankruptcy in Nineteenth-Century America
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/802
<p style="font-weight: 400;">Individual decision-making in a market economy and its effects on society have long been debated. Many are skeptical about whether market decisions can be moral and of the ability of individuals to make good economic decisions. This paper turns to Alexis de Tocqueville’s neglected but emphatic account of bankruptcy in America to illuminate the role of the moral economy in liberal political economy. Although he receives feedback from interviewees that bankruptcy is a problem in America because of the debtor class also referred to by historians of the period, Tocqueville outlines the problem not as one of the inferior judgment of the least advantaged but as a twofold problem of the moral economy. First, Tocqueville shows that norms that elevate materialism and individualism without rules to facilitate economic transactions result in a zero-sum moral economy where individuals can take advantage of one another and both economic prosperity and social cohesion suffer. Second, he highlights unfair rules that disadvantage the poorest in society and prevent them from exercising judgment. The case of bankruptcy demonstrates that for Tocqueville, political participation and liberty remain crucial for economic liberty and prosperity.</p>
ArticlesTocquevillebankruptcypolitical economy moral economyliberalismjudgmentBrianne Wolf
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-192024-03-19161198Aristotle's Political Science and the Training in Pleasures and Pains
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/798
<p style="font-weight: 400;"><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article concerns the role of pleasures and pains in the formation of the political community in ancient political thought. According to that tradition, the formation of the political community entails not only the design of political institutions and the distribution of political offices but also the “formation” of human beings. This education accords with the comprehensive framework of laws, customs, and traditions that give shape to a distinctive and common way of life. Turning to Aristotle’s discussion of the matter in the <em>Nicomachean Ethics</em>,<em> </em>I argue that central to this education is a “training” in pleasures and pains. The educator uses a child’s natural attraction to pleasures and repulsion to pains to “steer” the child toward virtue and away from vice. Aristotle’s account of education seems commonsensical on the face of it, especially when we consider the moral education of children. However, the analysis presents an opportunity to reflect on the complementary roles of <em>nomos</em> and <em>phusis</em> in the formation of the political community, as well as the chance to reflect on the status of the moral virtues that Aristotle recommends— that is, whether they are understood to be a piece of our human perfection and, hence, natural or merely the result of law and convention. The conclusion concerns the divergence between the ancient and modern liberal democratic worldview concerning the place of pleasure and pain in our education and political life.</p>
ArticlesAristotleAbigail Staysa
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2024-03-192024-03-191734Shaping Religious Institutions for Liberty
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/778
<p>Adam Smith’s attention to prudence marks him out as a liberal thinker who is unbound by the rigidity that sometimes accompanies the invocation of various rights. This article connects Smith’s analysis of establishment to problems in religion and politics in the history of political thought and statecraft. In addition, this article shows that Smith was sensitive to the crucial jurisdictional controversies concerning religion and politics that became more pressing with the advent of the great claims of the monotheistic religions. Smith can help us better understand the jurisdictional answers that have been presupposed by dominant lines of economic and political philosophy up to our own day. Smith points prudential political actors who share his normative goals to accommodate the prejudices of the people while ensuring that religious enthusiasms, overly rigorous moral systems, and strong institutional challenges to the power of the state and individual liberty are kept to a minimum.</p>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam SmithReligionPoliticsKevin Vance
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05381408The Visible Hands of Statesmanship
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/771
<p>Smith’s concept of the invisible hand conveys his understanding that the public interest may best be served without anyone intending to serve it, through individuals’ pursuit of their self-interest in market interactions. In this article, I examine Smith’s understanding of the vital role of the “visible hands” of statesmen in bringing about and sustaining his “system of natural liberty.” Through an analysis of his discussion of trade policy, I argue that, beyond the general principles of Smith’s science of a legislator, Smith emphasizes the importance of the particularistic knowledge and prudence of statesmen. If statesmen do not possess and act upon these attributes, Smith indicates that free trade policies could result in threats to national security, distortions of competition, the prolongation of other nations' trade barriers, inhumane and inequitable consequences for workers and manufacturers, and political backlash.</p>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam SmithStatesmanshipPolitical LeadershipPrudenceTrade PolicyInvisible HandZachary K. German
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05268294Adam Smith’s Eulogy for Self-Command
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/779
<p>Smith’s moral and ethical system, propounded in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, has been said to contain many parallels with the moral and ethical thought of various classical political thinkers. In particular, scholars have found similarities between Smith’s conception of virtue—and by extension virtue friendship—and that of Aristotle. This article makes the case that while Smith’s ethical system has structural affinities with Aristotle’s virtue theory, he prioritizes stability over the cultivation of virtue in an unmistakably modern manner that attempts to divorce the practice of politics from theoretical speculation. By way of an analysis of the role the virtue of self-command plays in Smith’s ethical system, I contend that Smith's separation of political practice from theoretical speculation leads to a homogenizing mediocrity that fails to fully actualize human potential. Smith’s system sacrifices human greatness for stability. In this sense, Smith can be said to have built on the low but solid ground of man’s ordinary, universal instincts and passions. However, I conclude with some observations that suggest Smith’s system may not be as stable as he indicates and that the lowest ground is not always the most stable.</p>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam SmithmediocritycultureJohn Boersma
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05409438Sensibility and Self-Command in Adam Smith’s Approach to Political Judgment
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/777
<p>Contrary to accounts that characterize Smith as idealizing a masculine and martial political ideal, Smith’s theory of self-command is intertwined with his understanding of sensibility and what he terms the virtues of humanity. Even the commonly masculinized concept of “self-command” depends on a keen humane sensibility, for our own suffering and the suffering of others. I show how humane sensibility and self-command work together to support a sense of responsibility as well as Smith’s political judgment and leadership.</p>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam SmithfeminineKristen Collins
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05351380Adam Smith and Gaston Fessard on the Roots of Authority
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/776
<p>The demise of authority has been greatly exaggerated. Political and scientific authority persist, but they can no longer be persuasively legitimated by metaphysical appeals to The Common Good, as some post-liberals propose. This essay asks after alternative foundations by comparing Adam Smith’s psychological account of authority in The Theory of Moral Sentiments with the communion-oriented approach of Gaston Fessard, SJ. Smith persuasively shows why human sympathy generates authority in every social order, yet claims that its non-rational basis makes it an unreliable guide for liberal politics. Fessard also sees authority as a basic ingredient of social coordination, but his foundational affirmation of relational goods permits him to sketch the proper goals of authority as something more than a necessary evil. Though the absence of shared goods renders Smith’s account incomplete, his psychological insights complement Fessard’s focus on conflict and communion in the ongoing quest for a compelling theory of authority grounded on experience.</p>
Symposium: Beyond Wealth of Nations: Adam Smith's Moral, Social, and Religious ThoughtAdam SmithAuthorityCommon GoodMark Hoipkemier
Copyright (c) 2023 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2023-10-052023-10-05323349Notes on Contributors
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/766
<p>Author information.</p>
NotesnotesRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2022 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2022-10-182022-10-18viixiiiEditor's Note
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/765
<p>Editor's Note</p>
NotesnoteRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2022 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2022-10-182022-10-18vvNotes on Contributors
https://politicalsciencereviewer.wisc.edu/index.php/psr/article/view/753
<p>PSR 46.1: Notes on Contributors</p>
NotesPolitical Science ReviewerNotes on ContributorsPolitical TheologyRichard Avramenko
Copyright (c) 2022 Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System
2022-07-022022-07-02viixii